HISTORY 471
HISTORY OF BRAZIL
PRIMARY SOURCE CRITIQUE GUIDE
http://www.history.umd.edu/Faculty/DWilliams/Fall08/HIST471/vargascritique.html

Brazilian dictator-president-populist Getúlio Vargas (1883-1954) is a historical puzzle—a anti-oligarchical reformer, born into privilege but striking a persona of the everyday man, who often spoke of an economic and social  democratization of Brazilian society, while simultaneously building a strong, centralist, often repressive state; a hyper-nationalist who would readily exclude fellow Brazilians who failed to agree with his vision of Brazilianenss; an international figure who sanctioned an "export-quality" national culture that would be pleasing to fascists in Europe and liberal democrats the United States; the so-called "Father of the Poor" who also earned the moniker "Mother of the Rich"; a selfless "martyr" of the Brazilian people who was also a calculating, self-serving demagogue. In life—and especially in his dramatic death-by-suicide—Vargas was (and remains) a contradictory, enigmatic figure.

The contradictions around Vargas make it difficult to understand the Vargas era (1930-1954) as a unified whole. Was this a period of social and political integration or one in which older patterns of stratification and exclusion were simply modernized? Did the Brazilian "people"— and more specifically the working classes — really become the protagonists of national history, or was the nationalist-populist language developed during the Vargas era really ruse to undercut the ability to challenge top-down, authoritarian politics? Did Brazil under Vargas become a racial democracy, celebrating its racial mixture and especially its Afro-Brazilian culture, to be admired throughout the world,  or was there really an insidious undercurrent of racialized discrimination that was tacitly supported by Vargas and his allies?

Closely read the following four documents written by Vargas. All documents appear in the Appendix of Robert Levine's Father of the Poor? Vargas and His Era:

1. The "Social Question" platform of the Aliança Liberal campaign, 1930 (p. 146)
2. Vargas' explanation of the Estado Novo dictatorship, April 1938 (p. 148-9)
3. Vargas' Labor Day speech delivered at Vasco da Gama Stadium, 1 May 1951 (p. 150) SEE NOTE
4. Vargas' suicide note, 24 August 1954 (pp. 151-3)

The May 1, 1951, speech concludes:

I need you, workers of Brazil [trabalhadores do Brasil], my friends, my companions in our long journey, as much as your need me.

I need your unity; I need you to organize collectively into unions; I need you to form a strong and cohesive block capable of offering all the means necessary resolve your own problems. I need your unity to fight again the saboteurs so that I am not rendered prisoner of the interests of speculators and the greedy to the detriment of the interest of the people. I need your collective support, stratified and consolidated in the organization of unions, so that my proposals do not become ineffective, so that my sincere efforts towards the resolution of our problems does not suffer a surprise attack and rendered inefficient by the reactionary wave of selfish interests that from all sides try to impede the free action of my administration.

By this very propose, the time has some to appeal to the workers, to tell them: unite yourselves in unions, of free and organized will, The authorities will not be able to imprison your liberty nor apply pressure and coercion. The union is your weapon, your defensive fortress, your instrument of political action. At this time, no mere administration can survive without the ability to count upon the organizations, unions, and cooperatives so that  the masses of the nation have the ability to influence and orient public administration in the defense of popular interests.

Drawing upon these documents, develop a critical assessment of the Vargas era that tackles the following issues:

1. What language is shared among these four documents? That is, how and why do these texts illuminate continuities and consistencies in the Vargas era?
2. What are there fundamental differences among these four documents? That is, how and why these texts suggest changes in the Vargas era — changes in content, tone, and context?
3. How do these documents help illuminate the key interpretative problems of the Vargas era that one can so readily find in political and historical reflections on the period?

In structuring the essay, it is suggested that you:

Begin with an INTRODUCTION that provides a general overview the Vargas era that is framed around an argument or hypothesis about the essence of Vargas and the Vargas era.

Develop (i.e. "prove") your hypothesis through a CRITICAL EXPLICATION of supporting themes, historical references, and rhetorical strategies found in the documents.

For example, if your hypothesis argues that that Vargas ultimately was an authoritarian who built an authoritarian society, then demonstrate how and where these documents point to his dictatorial tendencies and policies. Can you account for the notable silences on his dictatorial tendencies in some of the documents?

Engage that HISTORICAL AND HISTORIOGRAPHIC CONTEXT of the Vargas era. That is, how and why does your reading of these texts fit into the historical context of modern Brazil, as presented in the ongoing historiographic debate about the Vargas era.

As always, an essay without an argument makes for a poor read. Mere summary or paraphrase of the primary texts—without explication, context, or historiographic engagement—will result in a low grade.

Each critique should be approximately six-to-eight pages (typed, double-spaced, reasonable font and margins). Do not forget page numbering.

The essay is due at the beginning of class on Wednesday, November 26, 2008.

All students are asked to write by hand and sign the Honor Pledge.

"I pledge on my honor that I have not given or received any unauthorized assistance on this assignment/examination."

For additional information on the Student Honor Pledge, visit http://www.umd.edu/honorpledge.