Copyright 1994 The Buffalo News Buffalo News (New
York)
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July 14, 1994, Thursday, City Edition
SECTION: VIEWPOINTS; Pg. 3
LENGTH: 707 words
HEADLINE:
ESTABLISHMENT CLAUSE TO GET FRESH LOOK
BYLINE:
James J. Kilpatric, Universal Press Syndicate
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY: The important thing about the Supreme Court's decision in the case of
the Village of Kiryas Joel is that the key opinions had little
to do with the Village of Kiryas Joel.
The key opinions came from five members of the court who flashed an
unmistakable signal: Change is coming -- profound change -- in the law that has
governed church and state relationships for the past 23 years. A policy of
hostile neutrality is about to yield to a policy of benevolent accommodation.
High time! A better day is coming.
In the matter
immediately at hand, the facts are almost irrelevant. In 1976, a tightly knit
community of fundamentalist Jews, the Satmar Hasidim, formed the Village of Kiryas Joel in Orange County, New York. Like other communities,
the village housed children who suffered from handicaps -- the deaf, the
mentally retarded, those with physical, mental or emotional disorders.
When Congress passed the Disabilities Education Act, the
village elders obtained services for the children at an annex to one of their
private schools. This arrangement quietly continued until July 1985, when the
Supreme Court handed down two 5-4 decisions, one from Grand Rapids, Mich., the
other from New York City. The decisions had the effect of banning the very kind
of arrangement the village had created.
To alleviate
the situation, the state of New York in 1989 designated the village as its own
school district. Kiryas Joel promptly created a public school
for the handicapped, and the children again received benefits. The 1989
act promptly was challenged as a mere sham. Critics protested that public
benefits were flowing to a school that was not really public at all.
Justice David Souter wrote the court's opinion. He was
joined by Justices Harry Blackmun, John Paul Stevens and Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
Justices Sandra Day O'Connor and Anthony Kennedy concurred only in the judgment
itself. Justice Antonin Scalia, Justice Clarence Thomas and Chief Justice
William Rehnquist dissented.
On July 2, New York's
Legislature passed two bills intended to get around Souter's opinion. Critics
already have dubbed the effort "Son of Sham." If Gov. Mario Cuomo signs them,
they too will be challenged.
Now to the real
significance. In their separate and dissenting opinions, five members of the
court made one thing clear: Given an appropriate case in the future, they are
ready to overrule the Michigan and New York decisions of 1985. They also are
prepared to discard the landmark 1971 case of Lemon v. Kurtzman.
This would be a clean sweep. The Lemon case laid down a three-part
formula for determining when a state law does not violate the Establishment
Clause. The law must have a secular purpose; it cannot advance or inhibit
religion; and it must not foster an excessive entanglement of church and
state.
In her separate opinion of June 27, Justice
O'Connor remarked that the slide away from Lemon "is well under way." She was
unwilling to return to its famous three-prong test.
Justice Kennedy was of the same mind. The 1985 decisions "may have been
erroneous." They were "unfortunate rulings."
The three
outright dissenters, speaking through Justice Scalia, have long been prepared to
scrap the three regrettable precedents.
Children who
attend religious schools are entitled to the same secular public benefits that
are available to children in public schools.